MSC2026-Sammler: Die Reden zum Wiederfinden

In diesem Jahr bin ich, erst das zweite Mal seit 26 Jahren, nicht zur Müncher Sicherheitskonferenz gefahren (das erste Mal vor ein paar Jahren war ich krank). Deshalb verzichte ich auch auf Betrachtungen zur Munich Security Conference (MSC) 2026, stelle aber zum späteren besseren Wiederfinden ein paar Reden hier ein.

Eröffnet wurde die Sicherheitskonferenz von Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz. Seine Rede war mit vielen Vorerwartungen befrachtet gewesen – vor allem unter dem Aspekt: Wie würde der deutsche Regierungschef gegenüber einem immer irrlichternderen Noch-Partner USA positionieren? Dazu ein Zitat aus seiner Rede:

Wir legen den Schalter im Kopf um. ‑ Wir haben begriffen: In der Ära der Großmächte ist unsere Freiheit nicht mehr einfach so gegeben. Sie ist gefährdet. Es wird Festigkeit und Willenskraft brauchen, um diese Freiheit zu behaupten. Das wird uns die Bereitschaft zu Aufbruch, Veränderung und, ja, auch zu Opfern abverlangen, und zwar nicht eines Tages, sondern jetzt.

Die ganze Rede (im Transkript des Bundespresseamtes) zum Nachlesen:
20260213_MSC_Merz_Rede

Die größte Anspannung allerdings galt – vorher – der Rede von US-Außenminister Marco Rubio, der in diesem Jahr der höchstrangige Vertreter seines Landes war. Würde er wie US-Vizepräsident J.D. Vance vor einem Jahr die Europäer vor allem ideologisch abkanzeln? Rubio schien im Ton versöhnlicher als Vance 2025 – aber inhaltlich schlug er eigentlich genauso ideologisch auf Europa ein (auch wenn ihm die versammelte Zuhörerschaft seinen vordergründig scheinbar sanfteren Ton mit stehendem Beifall lohnte.)

Um zu zeigen, wo aus Sicht der USA die Reise hingehen sollte, ein längeres Zitat:

That infamous wall that had cleaved this nation into two came down, and with it an evil empire, and the East and West became one again. But the euphoria of this triumph led us to a dangerous delusion: that we had entered, quote, “the end of history;” that every nation would now be a liberal democracy; that the ties formed by trade and by commerce alone would now replace nationhood; that the rules-based global order – an overused term – would now replace the national interest; and that we would now live in a world without borders where everyone became a citizen of the world.
This was a foolish idea that ignored both human nature and it ignored the lessons of over 5,000 years of recorded human history. And it has cost us dearly. In this delusion, we embraced a dogmatic vision of free and unfettered trade, even as some nations protected their economies and subsidized their companies to systematically undercut ours – shuttering our plants, resulting in large parts of our societies being deindustrialized, shipping millions of working and middle-class jobs overseas, and handing control of our critical supply chains to both adversaries and rivals.
We increasingly outsourced our sovereignty to international institutions while many nations invested in massive welfare states at the cost of maintaining the ability to defend themselves. This, even as other countries have invested in the most rapid military buildup in all of human history and have not hesitated to use hard power to pursue their own interests. To appease a climate cult, we have imposed energy policies on ourselves that are impoverishing our people, even as our competitors exploit oil and coal and natural gas and anything else – not just to power their economies, but to use as leverage against our own.
And in a pursuit of a world without borders, we opened our doors to an unprecedented wave of mass migration that threatens the cohesion of our societies, the continuity of our culture, and the future of our people. We made these mistakes together, and now, together, we owe it to our people to face those facts and to move forward, to rebuild.
Under President Trump, the United States of America will once again take on the task of renewal and restoration, driven by a vision of a future as proud, as sovereign, and as vital as our civilization’s past. And while we are prepared, if necessary, to do this alone, it is our preference and it is our hope to do this together with you, our friends here in Europe.

Die komplette Rede (im Transkript des U.S. State Department) zum Nachlesen:
20260214_MSC_Rubio_Rede

… und der Vollständigkeit halber: Die Lobeshymnen aus dem MAGA-Umfeld, angeführt von Vance, in einer Erklärung aus dem Weißen Haus.

Wie schon im vergangenen Jahr fiel es – durch den Ablauf der Konferenz vorgegeben, aber sicher nicht unerwünscht – dem deutschen Verteidigungsminister Boris Pistorius zu, als erstes deutsches Regierungsmitglied nach dem US-Vertreter zu sprechen. Aus seiner Rede:

The alliance needs to make sense for all members. Even the United States cannot act all alone in today’s world of emerging great powers. It needs allies.
Having more than thirty of them all united in one powerful alliance is truly unique. It makes the United States stronger than any of the other great powers and, most importantly, stronger than its adversaries.
But our alliance also needs to make sense for Europe. It depends on
predictability of actions and reliability of the American commitment.
Questioning the territorial integrity and sovereignty of a NATO member state. Excluding European allies from negotiations that are crucial to the security on the continent. All this damages our alliance and strengthens our adversaries.
Let me also say a few words on Rubio’s vision for the world order: Yes, our international organisations have failed to solve crises and conflicts.
But the answer cannot be for a great power to go it alone. That might work in the short term. But in a world of more competing great powers this will definitely not work in the long term. 

Die ganze Rede im Wortlaut (vom BMVg vorab veröffentlicht):
20260214_MSC_Pistorius_Rede
… und zum Abgleich das Audio der Rede:

 

Bereits vor Eröffnung der Konferenz hatte der deutsche Heeresinspekteur Christian Freuding beim Munich Security Breakfast gesprochen und die Anforderungen eines militärischen Führers an die Industrie definiert:

First, we still need high technology – whether in traditional main weapon systems, or in what we currently call innovative systems. However, this high technology must be sufficiently robust and easy to operate. And we need mass production as well as rapid replacement, maintainability and a constant availability of spare parts.
Second, we need systems easy to use with the first pre-production vehicle. Our systems must be intuitive and reliable to operate in rain and snow, heat and cold, with dirty gloves – and even without a university degree. This requires the involvement of soldiers from day one. The
army is always ready for such an approach.
Thirdly, and this applies to both traditional and innovative systems: they must be developed and manufactured with open interfaces. This is the prerequisite for networking, technological openness, and interoperability. And for continuous development, keyword: Software Defined Defence.
Fourthly, the armed forces must be able to rely on agreements regarding timelines and quality. We need the same sense of urgency and the same ambition for excellence among all stakeholders involved.
Fifthly, and closely related: we don’t have time. Readiness is not declared – it is demanded by the threat. As Chief of the Army, I would be acting irresponsibly if I did not consider how to bridge our capability gaps by unconventional steps. Why not consider purchasing battle-proven systems from Ukraine? Why not integrating start-ups into innovation developments in Army Doctrine Command?
And finally, sixthly, in land combat quantity matters. Rapid scalability, supply chain autonomy, cost-benefit ratio are decisive.

Die vollständige Rede in der vom Heer veröffentlichten Fassung:
20260212_MSC_Freuding_Rede

(wird ggf. ergänzt)

(Foto: MSC-Teilnehmer verfolgen wg. des überfüllten Hauptsaals im Hotel Bayerischer Hof die Rede von Rubio am Bildschirm in einem Nebenraum – Thomas Koehler/photothek.de)